Israel Makes 'U.S.Border A U.S.Constitution Free Zone':Arizona BDS Network activists protest Israeli firms militarizing the border AcSouthern Arizona BDS Network on May 14, 2015

Israel Makes 'U.S.Border A U.S.Constitution Free Zone':Arizona BDS Network activists protest Israeli firms militarizing the border  AcSouthern Arizona BDS Network on May 14, 2015

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Southern Arizona BDS (Boycott/Divestment/Sanction) Network is working to build a... ... Arizona activists protest Israeli firms militarizing the border. On May 2, a ...

 “If you go to Israel and you come to Southern Arizona and close your eyes and spin yourself a few times you might not be able to tell the difference.” - Tucson Mayor Jonathan Rothschild. 

• Israeli military arms manufacturers provide border security for America.

- See more at: http://americanfreepress.net/?p=22830#sthash.wMeNyAfg.dpuf








U.S.-Mexico Boder An Israeli Controlled 'Constitution Free Zone'

In 2007, according to 

Naomi Klein in The Shock Doctrine, the Golan Group, an Israeli consulting company 

made up of former IDF Special Forces officers, provided an intensive eight-day 

course for special DHS immigration agents covering “everything from hand-to-hand 

combat to target practice to ‘getting proactive with their SUV.’” The Israeli company 

NICE Systems even supplied Arizona’s Joe Arpaio, “America’s toughest sheriff,” with 

a surveillance system to watch one of his jails....

On November 20, 2014, President Obama announced a series of executive actions 

on immigration reform. Addressing the American people, he referred to bipartisan 

immigration legislation passed by the Senate in June 2013 that would, among other 

things, further up-armor the same landscape in what’s been termed—in language 

adopted from recent U.S. war zones—a “border surge.” The president bemoaned the 

fact that the bill had been stalled in the House of Representatives, hailing it as a 

“compromise” that “reflected common sense.” It would, he pointed out, “have doubled 

the number of Border Patrol agents, while giving undocumented immigrants a 

pathway to citizenship.”

In the wake of his announcement, including executive actions that would protect five 

to six million of those immigrants from future deportation, the national debate was 

quickly framed as a conflict between Republicans and Democrats. Missed in this 

partisan war of words was one thing: the initial executive action that Obama 

announced involved a further militarization of the border supported by both parties.

“First,” the president said, “we’ll build on our progress at the border with additional 

resources for our law enforcement personnel so that they can stem the flow of illegal 

crossings and speed the return of those who do cross over.” Without further 

elaboration, he then moved on to other matters.

If, however, the United States follows the “common sense” of the border-surge bill, 

the result could add more than $40 billion worth of agents, advanced technologies, 

walls, and other barriers to an already unparalleled border enforcement apparatus. 

And a crucial signal would be sent to the private sector that, as the trade magazine 

Homeland Security Todayputs it, another “treasure trove” of profit is on the way for 

a border control market already, according to the latest forecasts, in an 

“unprecedented boom period.”

Like the Gaza Strip for the Israelis, the U.S. borderlands, dubbed a “constitution-free 

zone” by the ACLU, are becoming a vast open-air laboratory for tech companies. 

There, almost any form of surveillance and “security” can be developed, tested, and 

showcased, as if in a militarized shopping mall, for other nations across the planet to 

consider. In this fashion, border security is becoming a global industry and few 

corporate complexes can be more pleased by this than the one that has developed in 

Elkabetz’s Israel.

The Palestine-Mexico Border

Consider the IDF brigadier general’s presence in El Paso two years ago an omen. 

After all, in February 2014, Customs and Border Protection (CBP), the Department 

of Homeland Security (DHS) agency in charge of policing our borders, contracted 

with Israel’s giant private military manufacturer Elbit Systems to build a “virtual wall,” 

a technological barrier set back from the actual international divide in the Arizona 

desert. That company, whose U.S.-traded stock shot up by 6% during Israel’s 

massive military operation against Gaza in the summer of 2014, will bring the same 

databank of technology used in Israel’s borderlands—Gaza and the West Bank—to 

Southern Arizona through its subsidiary Elbit Systems of America.- http://inthesetimes.com/



Unmanned drones, used extensively during America's and Israel's 
wars in the Middle East, are now being tested on Arizona's border 
with Mexico. (U.S. Air Force)

http://mondoweiss.net/2015/05/arizona-activists-militarizing

Southern Arizona BDS from Bob Torrez on Vimeo.

On May 2, a few miles from the U.S.-Mexico border, just north of Nogales, on Tohono O’odham land, a group of activists unveiled a banner of protest in front of a new surveillance tower, manufactured and operated by the Israeli company Elbit Systems. The group came to bring border justice, indigenous rights and power, and anti-militarization movements together with the Southern Arizona BDS Network to confront the Israeli/US partnership that is militarizing the US/Mexico border with increasingly profound effects on the people of this region. As is the normal case for residents who live and work in this hyper-militarized border zone, on our excursion to the tower, it didn’t take long for a U.S. Border Patrol agent, on an all-terrain vehicle, to speed up and rush toward our group, asking us what we were up to—and asking us to leave.

In 2014, the U.S. Dept of Homeland Security awarded Elbit Systems, the Israeli company that is in charge of the surveillance apparatus along the separation wall in the West Bank, a contract that could be worth a billion dollars to further militarize the Arizona-Sonora borderlands. Groups of activists that have come together to oppose this contract are connecting the anti-militarization movement in Southern Arizona to the Palestinian-led movement against Israeli state violence—for, while these protesters oppose Elbit’s profiteering from migrant control and the militarized domination of indigenous lands in Southern Arizona, as Naomi Klein writes, “No company is more deeply embedded in Israel’s brutal architecture, occupation and segregation than Elbit.” In joining forces to oppose the US/Israeli border surveillance and militarization surge in this region, our network of activists hopes to send a message of solidarity across our movements and across the world, to our fellow activists and to the Palestinian people, who inspire our resolve against military occupation and state violence in all its forms.

The new security towers manufactured and operated by Elbit Systems have been erected with high-powered surveillance cameras and radar that have been previously deployed and tested in Palestine, used here to detect migrants crossing the desert. The new wave of militarized control of migration in this region includes building a “virtual wall” along the US/Mexico border, where there is already an unprecedented deployment of armed agents and surveillance technology, all intended to filter migrants into ever-more dangerous zones during their crossing—and this is being done in a region where so many migrants have died crossing that it has been described as a “killing field.”

As this video shows, activists from the Southern Arizona BDS Network, along with members of local organizations No More Deaths, Tucson Samaritans, Derechos Humanos, The Tohono O’odham Hemajkem Rights Network (TOHRN), People Helping People Arivaca, Students for Justice in Palestine, and Jewish Voice for Peace, visited three Elbit-built surveillance towers on our recent trip. During our visit, our group took time to collectively honor the Tohono O’odham people, the traditional, indigenous inhabitants of this region, and their current struggle to live freely on this increasingly divided land. We also stood silently in compassionate contemplation of the migrants who risks their lives to cross this region, who too often find themselves trapped by state agents and an incarcerating migration control system.

By working across movements that share the values of opposing state violence and upholding human dignity and freedom, we can see that the same companies that facilitate the occupation of Palestine and the US “War on Terror” have also invested in the domination and control of lands and people in the US/Mexico border region. Companies including Raytheon, Elbit, Lockheed, Boeing, G4S, and more, are invested in the militarization of life, at different levels of intensity, across the globe. In Southern Arizona, Tohono O’odham people who, only one generation ago, freely roamed the yellow-green rolling hills in this region, now cross checkpoints on their way to school and work, and Border Patrol agents pursue anyone in these hills, fully armed. Migrants who cross this land avoid apprehension at all costs, and more than 6,000 have suffered and died in the desert, while many others are apprehended and deported, and usually maltreated. Meanwhile, the Israeli army uses the same technologies that assist US Border Patrol to occupy and dominate Palestinian people.

The solidarity this is creating is highlighted by the work of many people in the Southwest and the US/Mexico border region, who have long held sympathies with the Palestinian cause, and are now protesting the militarization of their home region, sending a message to the Palestinian people and their supporters, of a shared struggle against militarized control of land and life.

....................................................................

Unmanned drones, used extensively during America's and Israel's wars in the Middle East, are now being tested on Arizona's border with Mexico. (U.S. Air Force)

WEB ONLY / FEATURES » JANUARY 26, 2015

Along Arizona’s ‘Palestine-Mexico 

Border,’ Security Companies Are 

Making a Killing

The U.S. borderlands are becoming a vast open-air laboratory for tech 

companies where almost any form of surveillance and security technology can 

be developed and tested.

BY TODD MILLER AND GABRIEL SCHIVONE

This article originally appeared on TomDispatch.

It was October 2012. Roei Elkabetz, a brigadier general for the Israel Defense 

Forces (IDF), was explaining his country’s border policing strategies. In his Power

Point presentation, a photo of the enclosure wall that isolates the Gaza Strip from 

Israel clicked onscreen. “We have learned lots from Gaza,” he told the audience. 

“It’s a great laboratory.”

Elkabetz was speaking at a border technology conference and fair surrounded by a 

dazzling display of technology—the components of his boundary-building lab. There 

were surveillance balloons with high-powered cameras floating over a 

desert-camouflaged armored vehicle made by Lockheed Martin. There were seismic 

sensor systems used to detect the movement of people and other wonders of the 

modern border-policing world. Around Elkabetz, you could see vivid examples of 

where the future of such policing was heading, as imagined not by a dystopian 

science fiction writer but by some of the top corporate techno-innovators on the 

planet.

Swimming in a sea of border security, the brigadier general was, however, not 

surrounded by the Mediterranean but by a parched West Texas landscape. He was 

in El Paso, a 10-minute walk from the wall that separates the United States from 

Mexico.

Just a few more minutes on foot and Elkabetz could have watched green-striped U.S. 

Border Patrol vehicles inching along the trickling Rio Grande in front of Ciudad 

Juarez, one of Mexico’s largest cities filled with U.S. factories and the dead of that 

country’s drug wars. The Border Patrol agents whom the general might have spotted 

were then being up-armored with a lethal combination of surveillance technologies, 

military hardware, assault rifles, helicopters and drones. This once-peaceful place 

was being transformed into what Timothy Dunn, in his book The Militarization of 

the U.S. Mexico Border, terms a state of “low-intensity warfare.”

The Border Surge

On November 20, 2014, President Obama announced a series of executive actions 

on immigration reform. Addressing the American people, he referred to bipartisan 

immigration legislation passed by the Senate in June 2013 that would, among other 

things, further up-armor the same landscape in what’s been termed—in language 

adopted from recent U.S. war zones—a “border surge.” The president bemoaned the 

fact that the bill had been stalled in the House of Representatives, hailing it as a 

“compromise” that “reflected common sense.” It would, he pointed out, “have doubled 

the number of Border Patrol agents, while giving undocumented immigrants a 

pathway to citizenship.”

In the wake of his announcement, including executive actions that would protect five 

to six million of those immigrants from future deportation, the national debate was 

quickly framed as a conflict between Republicans and Democrats. Missed in this 

partisan war of words was one thing: the initial executive action that Obama 

announced involved a further militarization of the border supported by both parties.

“First,” the president said, “we’ll build on our progress at the border with additional 

resources for our law enforcement personnel so that they can stem the flow of illegal 

crossings and speed the return of those who do cross over.” Without further 

elaboration, he then moved on to other matters.

If, however, the United States follows the “common sense” of the border-surge bill, 

the result could add more than $40 billion worth of agents, advanced technologies, 

walls, and other barriers to an already unparalleled border enforcement apparatus. 

And a crucial signal would be sent to the private sector that, as the trade magazine 

Homeland Security Todayputs it, another “treasure trove” of profit is on the way for 

a border control market already, according to the latest forecasts, in an 

“unprecedented boom period.”

Like the Gaza Strip for the Israelis, the U.S. borderlands, dubbed a “constitution-free 

zone” by the ACLU, are becoming a vast open-air laboratory for tech companies. 

There, almost any form of surveillance and “security” can be developed, tested, and 

showcased, as if in a militarized shopping mall, for other nations across the planet to 

consider. In this fashion, border security is becoming a global industry and few 

corporate complexes can be more pleased by this than the one that has developed in 

Elkabetz’s Israel.

The Palestine-Mexico Border

Consider the IDF brigadier general’s presence in El Paso two years ago an omen. 

After all, in February 2014, Customs and Border Protection (CBP), the Department 

of Homeland Security (DHS) agency in charge of policing our borders, contracted 

with Israel’s giant private military manufacturer Elbit Systems to build a “virtual wall,” 

a technological barrier set back from the actual international divide in the Arizona 

desert. That company, whose U.S.-traded stock shot up by 6% during Israel’s 

massive military operation against Gaza in the summer of 2014, will bring the same 

databank of technology used in Israel’s borderlands—Gaza and the West Bank—to 

Southern Arizona through its subsidiary Elbit Systems of America.

With approximately 12,000 employees and, as it boasts, “10+ years securing the 

world’s most challenging borders,” Elbit produces an arsenal of “homeland security 

systems.” These include surveillance land vehicles, mini-unmanned aerial systems, 

and “smart fences,” highly fortified steel barriers that have the ability to sense a 

person’s touch or movement. In its role as lead system integrator for Israel’s border 

technology plan, the company has already installed smart fences in the West Bank 

and the Golan Heights.

In Arizona, with up to a billion dollars potentially at its disposal, CBP has tasked Elbit 

with creating a “wall” of “integrated fixed towers” containing the latest in cameras, 

radar, motion sensors, and control rooms. Construction will start in the rugged, 

desert canyons around Nogales. Once a DHS evaluation deems that part of the 

project effective, the rest will be built to monitor the full length of the state’s 

borderlands with Mexico. Keep in mind, however, that these towers are only one part 

of a broader operation, the Arizona Border Surveillance Technology Plan. At this 

stage, it’s essentially a blueprint for an unprecedented infrastructure of high-tech 

border fortifications that has attracted the attention of many companies. 

This is not the first time Israeli companies have been involved in a U.S. border 

build-up. In fact, in 2004, Elbit’s Hermes drones were the first unmanned aerial 

vehicles to take to the skies to patrol the southern border. In 2007, according to 

Naomi Klein in The Shock Doctrine, the Golan Group, an Israeli consulting company 

made up of former IDF Special Forces officers, provided an intensive eight-day 

course for special DHS immigration agents covering “everything from hand-to-hand 

combat to target practice to ‘getting proactive with their SUV.’” The Israeli company 

NICE Systems even supplied Arizona’s Joe Arpaio, “America’s toughest sheriff,” with 

a surveillance system to watch one of his jails.

As such border cooperation intensified, journalist Jimmy Johnson coined the apt 

phrase “Palestine-Mexico border” to catch what was happening. In 2012, Arizona 

state legislators, sensing the potential economic benefit of this growing collaboration, 

declared their desert state and Israel to be natural “trade partners,” adding that it was “a relationship we seek to enhance.”

In this way, the doors were opened to a new world order in which the United States 

and Israel are to become partners in the “laboratory” that is the U.S.-Mexican 

borderlands. Its testing grounds are to be in Arizona. There, largely through a 

program known as Global Advantage, American academic and corporate knowhow 

and Mexican low-wage manufacturing are to fuse with Israel’s border and homeland 

security companies.

The Border: Open for Business

No one may frame the budding romance between Israel’s high-tech companies and 

Arizona better than Tucson Mayor Jonathan Rothschild. “If you go to Israel and you 

come to Southern Arizona and close your eyes and spin yourself a few times,” he 

says, “you might not be able to tell the difference.”

Global Advantage is a business project based on a partnership between the 

University of Arizona’s Tech Parks Arizona and the Offshore Group, a business 

advisory and housing firm which offers “nearshore solutions for manufacturers of 

any size” just across the border in Mexico. Tech Parks Arizona has the lawyers, 

accountants, and scholars, as well as the technical knowhow, to help any foreign 

company land softly and set up shop in the state. It will aid that company in 

addressing legal issues, achieving regulatory compliance, and even finding qualified 

employees—and through a program it’s called the Israel Business Initiative, Global 

Advantage has identified its target country.

Think of it as the perfect example of a post-NAFTA world in which companies 

dedicated to stopping border crossers are ever freer to cross the same borders 

themselves. In the spirit of free trade that created the NAFTA treaty, the latest border 

fortification programs are designed to eliminate borders when it comes to letting 

high-tech companies from across the seas set up in the United States and make use 

of Mexico’s manufacturing base to create their products. While Israel and Arizona 

may be separated by thousands of miles, Rothschild assured TomDispatch that in “economics, there are no borders.”

Of course, what the mayor appreciates, above all, is the way new border technology 

could bring money and jobs into an area with a nearly 23% poverty rate. How those 

jobs might be created matters far less to him. According to Molly Gilbert, the director 

of community engagement for the Tech Parks Arizona, “It’s really about development, and we want to create technology jobs in our borderlands.”

So consider it anything but an irony that, in this developing global set of boundary-

busting partnerships, the factories that will produce the border fortresses designed by Elbit and other Israeli and U.S. high-tech firms will mainly be located in Mexico. Ill-paid Mexican blue-collar 

workers will, then, manufacture the very components of a future surveillance regime, 

which may well help locate, detain, arrest, incarcerate, and expel some of them if they

 try to cross into the United States.

Think of Global Advantage as a multinational assembly line, a place where homeland 

security meets NAFTA. Right now there are reportedly 10 to 20 Israeli companies 

in active discussion about joining the program. Bruce Wright, the CEO of Tech 

Parks Arizona, tells TomDispatch that his organization has a “nondisclosure” 

agreement with any companies that sign on and so cannot reveal their names.

Though cautious about officially claiming success for Global Advantage’s Israel 

Business Initiative, Wright brims with optimism about his organization’s cross-national planning. As he talks in a conference room located on the 1,345-acre park on the southern outskirts of Tucson, it’s apparent that he's buoyed by predictions that the Homeland Security market will grow from a $51 billion 

annual business in 2012 to $81 billion in the United States alone by 2020, and 

$544 billion worldwide by 2018.

Wright knows as well that submarkets for border-related products like video 

surveillance, non-lethal weaponry, and people-screening technologies are all 

advancing rapidly and that the U.S. market for drones is poised to create 70,000 new 

jobs by 2016. Partially fueling this growth is what the Associated Press calls an 

“unheralded shift” to drone surveillance on the U.S. southern divide. More than 

10,000 drone flights have been launched into border air space since March 2013, 

with plans for many more, especially after the Border Patrol doubles its fleet.

When Wright speaks, it’s clear he knows that his park sits atop a twenty-first-century 

gold mine. As he sees it, Southern Arizona, aided by his tech park, will become the 

perfect laboratory for the first cluster of border security companies in North America. 

He’s not only thinking about the 57 southern Arizona companies already identified as 

working in border security and management, but similar companies nationwide and 

across the globe, especially in Israel.

In fact, Wright's aim is to follow Israel’s lead, as it is now the number-one place for 

such groupings. In his case, the Mexican border would simply replace that country’s 

highly marketed Palestinian testing grounds. The 18,000 linear feet that surround the 

tech park’s solar panel farm would, for example, be a perfect spot to test out motion 

sensors. Companies could also deploy, evaluate, and test their products “in the field,” 

as he likes to say—that is, where real people are crossing real borders—just as Elbit 

Systems did before CBP gave it the contract.

“If we’re going to be in bed with the border on a day-to-day basis, with all of its 

problems and issues, and there’s a solution to it,” Wright said in a 2012 interview, 

“why shouldn’t we be the place 

where the issue is solved and we get the commercial benefit from it?”

From the Battlefield to the Border

When Naomi Weiner, project coordinator for the Israel Business Initiative, returned 

from a trip to that country with University of Arizona researchers in tow, she couldn’t 

have been more enthusiastic about the possibilities for collaboration. She arrived 

back in November, just a day before Obama announced his new executive actions—

a promising declaration for those, like her, in the business of bolstering border defenses.

“We’ve chosen areas where Israel is very strong and Southern Arizona is very strong,” Weiner explained to TomDispatch, pointing to the surveillance industry “synergy” between the two places. 

For example, one firm her team met with in Israel was Brightway Vision, a subsidiary 

of Elbit Systems. If it decides to set up shop in Arizona, it could use tech park 

expertise to further develop and refine its thermal imaging cameras and goggles, 

while exploring ways to repurpose those military products for border surveillance 

applications. The Offshore Group would then manufacture the cameras and goggles 

in Mexico.

Arizona, as Weiner puts it, possesses the “complete package” for such Israeli 

companies. “We’re sitting right on the border, close to Fort Huachuca,” a nearby 

military base where, among other things, technicians control the drones surveilling the borderlands. “We have the relationship with Customs and Border Protection, so there’s a lot going on here. 

And we’re also the Center of Excellence on Homeland Security.”

Weiner is referring to the fact that, in 2008, DHS designated the University of 

Arizona the lead school for the Center of Excellence on Border Security and 

Immigration. Thanks to that, it has since received millions of dollars in federal grants. 

Focusing on research and development of border-policing technologies, the center is 

a place where, among other things, engineers are studying locust wings in order to 

create miniature drones equipped with cameras that can get into the tiniest of spaces 

near ground level, while large drones like the Predator B continue to buzz over the 

borderlands at 30,000 feet (despite the fact that a recent audit by the inspector 

general of homeland security found them a waste of money).

Although the Arizona-Israeli romance is still in the courtship stage, excitement about 

its possibilities is growing. Officials from Tech Parks Arizona see Global Advantage 

as the perfect way to strengthen the U.S.-Israel “special relationship.” There is no 

other place in the world with a higher concentration of homeland security tech 

companies than Israel. Six hundred tech start-ups are launched in Tel Aviv alone 

every year. During the Gaza offensive last summer, Bloomberg reported that 

investment in such companies had “actually accelerated.” However, despite the 

periodic military operations in Gaza and the incessant build-up of the Israeli 

homeland security regime, there are serious limitations to the local market.

The Israeli Ministry of Economy is painfully aware of this. Its officials know that the 

growth of the Israeli economy is “largely fueled by a steady increase in exports and 

foreign investment.” The government coddles, cultivates, and supports these start-up 

tech companies until their products are market-ready. Among them have been 

innovations like the “skunk,” a liquid with a putrid odor meant to stop unruly crowds in 

their tracks. The ministry has also been successful in taking such products to market 

across the globe. In the decade following 9/11, sales of Israeli “security exports” rose from $2 billion to $7 billion annually.

Israeli companies have sold surveillance drones to Latin American countries like 

Mexico, Chile, and Colombia, and massive security systems to India and Brazil, 

where an electro-optic surveillance system will be deployed along the country’s 

borders with Paraguay and Bolivia. They have also been involved in preparations for 

policing the 2016 Olympics in Brazil. The products of Elbit Systems and its 

subsidiaries are now in use from the Americas and Europe to Australia. Meanwhile, 

that mammoth security firm is ever more involved in finding “civilian applications” for 

its war technologies. It is also ever more dedicated to bringing the battlefield to the 

world’s borderlands, including southern Arizona.

As geographer Joseph Nevins notes, although there are many differences between 

the political situations of the U.S. and Israel, both Israel-Palestine and Arizona share 

a focus on keeping out “those deemed permanent outsiders,” whether Palestinians, 

undocumented Latin Americans, or indigenous people.

Mohyeddin Abdulaziz has seen this “special relationship” from both sides, as a 

Palestinian refugee whose home and village Israeli military forces destroyed in 1967 

and as a long-time resident of the U.S.-Mexico borderlands. A founding member of 

the Southern Arizona BDS Network, whose goal is to pressure U.S. divestment from 

Israeli companies, Abdulaziz opposes any program like Global Advantage that will contribute to the further militarization of the border, especially when it also sanitizes Israel’s “violations of human rights and international law.”

Such violations matter little, of course, when there is money to be made, as Brigadier 

General Elkabetz indicated at that 2012 border technology conference. Given the 

direction that both the U.S. and Israel are taking when it comes to their borderlands, 

the deals being brokered at the University of Arizona look increasingly like matches 

made in heaven (or perhaps hell).  As a result, there is truth packed into journalist 

Dan Cohen’s comment that “Arizona is the Israel of the United States.”

TODD MILLER AND GABRIEL SCHIVONE

Todd Miller is the author of Border Patrol Nation: Dispatches From the Front Lines of Homeland Security. 

He has written on border and immigration issues for the New York Times, Al Jazeera America, and NACLA 

Report on the Americas and its blog Border Wars, among other places. You can follow him on twitter 

@memomiller and view more of his work at toddwmiller.wordpress.com. Gabriel M. Schivone, a writer from 

Tucson, has worked as a humanitarian volunteer in the Mexico-U.S. borderlands for more than six years. He 

blogs at Electronic Intifada and Huffington Post's "Latino Voices." His articles have appeared in the Arizona 

Daily Star, the Arizona Republic, StudentNation, the Guardian, and McClatchy Newspapers, among other 

publications. You can follow him on Twitter @GSchivone.

(Photo: Bob Torrez)

About Southern Arizona BDS Network

Southern Arizona BDS (Boycott/Divestment/Sanction) Network is working to build a regional BDS movement opposing the ongoing US/Israeli partnership.

Other posts by Southern Arizona BDS Network.